BOOKTEXT2

Section 6:

Concerning the geographical investigations ofMarinus of Tyre

§1. Marinus the Tyrian, seems to be the last one we know of to pay attention to this matter in all sincerity and be honoured for it. For he brought to light complete reports that had been dispersed and remained unknown, and researched almost all the works of previous historians themselves, not only making good their errors but any earlier errors of his own in his geographical representations.

§2. If we look there is no deficiency itself in the manner he organizes his last work and it would seem sufficient in itself for us to describe the inhabited world from his writing alone, without undertaking further enquiries. However, when it is apparent that he is agreeing with, rather than querying, some untrustworthy matter, either about a matter of draughtsmanship or by relying on preconceived solutions, it is right to bring forward objections to his reasoning and substitute other answers more in keeping with the highest standards of his work.

§3. And this, by speaking plainly, we will do, noting in passing any such errors. First about legend and history, he claims that the Earth extends further eastward and southward than is demonstrably so.

§4. For reasonably, when we establish the terrestrial parallels by means of celestial observation, we regard longitude as meaning that distance between the rising and the setting sun and latitude as the distance between the north and south poles. Moreover, in respect of the above, all are in agreement that longitude extends a greater total distance than does latitude.

Section 7:

Correcting the Earth's total latitude, as given by Marinus, from proper observation of distance.

§1. First of all, Thule is placed on the extreme northern latitude of the habitable world. This latitude is shown to be sixty–three degrees north of the equator of which there are three hundred and sixty degrees in the complete circle of the Earth. Since there are reckoned five hundred stadia in a single degree this particular measurement represents a distance of thirty–one thousand and five hundred stadia.

§2. Then the region of the Ethiopians, called Agisymba and the Prasum promontory, terminating the most southerly land known, as exhibiting the same parallel and this he places below the winter tropical zone. So that all the latitudes of the known world add up to the distance of the space contained between eighty–seven degrees, forty–three thousand, five hundred stadia.

§3. He attempts to make out a reasonable case for this southern point of termination by means of certain observations, at least, he himself believes so, because of information gained from certain journeys by land and sea; therefore a re–examination of each of these journeys should be undertaken.

§4. Indeed, about such observation in relation to his third commentary, he says: "For above the torrid zone the whole Zodiac extends itself; therefore in itself shadows change and all the stars rise and set. Alone the whole of The Little Bear in its entirety begins to be revealed from the northern land of Ocela, five thousand five hundred stadia away. For the parallel of Ocale is held at eleven and two fifths degrees. The teaching of Hipparchus states that the position of the Little Bear is the most southerly, the star to hold to uttermost point of the tail, and is within twelve and two fifths degrees of the pole. During the course of the summer solstice the North Star will appear to rise and the southern point sink while during the winter solstice the opposite pertains."

§5. In this he only exhibits what is to be learned from observations on the equator and between the tropical zones. He does not offer knowledge of what is happening south of the equator, either from history or from observation. What sort of effect would be given by placing southern stars at the highest point rather than equatorial, or if the noon shadows be made to point to the south, or if all the stars of the Little Bear were to rise, or fall, or again part of them observed when the horizon of the south pole is made visible.

§6. Thereafter, he speaks in addition, of certain observed phenomena all of which he does not seem wholly certain. For he says, "and they who sail from India to Limyrica as, he says, did Samian Diodorus in the third (commentary), hold that Taurus is in the middle of the heavens when the Pleiades are in the middle of the yardarm. To Azania from Arabia they sail directly south and towards the star Canopus, which is further south and is there called Hippos. For the stars observed there have no name from us and the Dog Star rises before Procyon and Orion before the summer solstice."

§7. Therefore this observation is clearly saying that some have dwelling places more northerly than the equator, thus in relation to Taurus and the Pleiades giving the highest point throughout (this star is more northerly than the equator). In other words, no more southerly than northerly.

§8. For Canopus is able to be observed north of the summer solstice, and also many of the stars, which are always below the horizon from our part Earth, can be observed from positions more to the south, and, to those places on Earth more northerly of the equator, as in the proximity of Meroe. Just as in relation to Canopus itself, which here happens to be visible to us, is not to be observed from more northerly positions, being below the horizon. And indeed the name they speak of south of the equator is Hippos, and no other elsewhere is known to us.

§9. He imputes that he has deduced by mathematical reasoning that Orion is wholly to be observed, before the summer solstice, by those who dwell below the equator. Also that the Dog Star rises before Procynon to those who dwell below the equator, and as far as Syene. Thus nothing is to be gained from these observation which places the inhabited world too far south of the equator.

Section 8

Correction of observations by computing journeys by land

§1. On counting and taking account of the days on a journey by land from Leptis Magna to the country of Agisymba, he infers this last to be twenty–four thousand six hundred and eighty stadia south of the equator. By the number of days sailing at sea he infers that from Ptolemais in the Trogloditics to the promontory of Prasum is twenty–seven thousand eight hundred stadia south of the equator. With the result that the promontory of Prasum and the country of Agisymba, belonging to Ethiopia, (thus he says himself), is not marking out the southern limit to Ethiopia but against the cool zone extending opposite the habitable world.

§2. For twenty–seven thousand eight hundred stadia makes fifty–five and three fourths degrees in a southerly direction. In the other direction it brings us north to the swamp of Maotis dividing the Scythians and the Sarmatians.

§3. Therefore he compresses the number of stadia to less than a half, that is, to twelve thousand stadia, about the distance from the winter solstice to the equator.

§4. And the reason he advances for this curtailment is the deviation from the straight and narrow and the unequal distances, therefore, having put forward such an argument, it seems necessary not only to demonstrate the error but to reduce it further, by as much again as the suggested amount.

§5. First, on the matter of a journey, from Garame to Ethiopia, he says that Septimus Flaccus, having marched from Libya, arrived before the land of Ethiopians from the region of the Garamantes after three months journeying towards the equator. Julius Maternus, from Leptis Magna and Garama at the same time as the king of the Garamantes was going to attack the Ethiopians, journeyed continuously towards the equator for four months before arriving at Agisymba, the country of the Ethiopians where the rhinoceros are to be encountered.

§6. Each of these opinions is incredible in relation to itself alone, because the Ethiopians are not separated from the Garamentes by so great a distance as to require an actual journey of three months and, more to the point, both themselves and the Ethiopians have the same king, and it is quite absurd to be the king and to approach his own regions in line of battle as it is to march from the north towards the equator, against these people very much stretched out to the east and to the west and all this is in nowise worthy of mention and for them to be included is a waste of time.

§7. Because it is possible I say, for men to tell of marvels in the case of the southern lands in this way, or to speak thus and be in the habit of saying, in the custom of the country, 'To the south', 'towards north Africa', for the sake of more colour than accuracy.

Section 9

Correction of observations by computing journeys by sea.

§1. Then, in relation to a voyage between Aromata and Rhapta, a certain Diogenes, he says, returning from the second voyage to India, happened around Aramata, to be driven off course away from the north, and having the Trogloditics on his right arrived after twenty–five days at the swamp from whence the Nile flows, being a little south of the promontory of Rhapta. A certain Theophilus on a voyage to Azania from Rhapta was driven back from the south and on the twentieth day came to Aromata.

§2. In neither of these is the actual days of sailing given, but that Theophilus took twenty days and Diogenes twenty five days by sailing around the Trogloditics, only the days on the voyage, not the actual days sailing, or to take account of irregular and alternating winds over so great a span of time – certainly not whether it happened that the voyage was altogether towards the north or towards the south.

§3. Just that Diogenes was driven by the north wind while Theophilus was made to give way to the south wind. The remainder of the voyage is understood to have proceeded smoothly, neither of the two has he related in detail. It is incredible that for so many days the wind should have carried so.

§4. The voyage of Diogenes from Aramata to the swamps, south of which is the promontory of Rhapta, required twenty–five days and Theophilus from Rhapta to Aramata, a greater distance, took twenty. Theophilus lays down that a day and a night, sailing steadily, amasses about one thousand stadia, (and Marinus follows this reasoning). Nevertheless, Diogenes says that the voyage from Rhapta to Prasum, taking many days and, as calculated, is only five thousand stadia. At the equator the winds being more intractable, because of the sun, change easily and are more treacherous.

§5. Because of this, and in order to know more, it is elected not to agree to the full number of the days having been set out and all the reasoning based upon this, that the Ethiopians and the gathering place of the rhinoceri belongs to the cold zones of the Earth. For reason alone it would seem logical that there is a law of similarity that dictates that animals and plants form an entity that belong to certain zones that lie between the poles.

§6. On which account Marinus has reduced the distance of the winter solstice to only a small fraction, without agreeing one sensible, quantitative basis for its comprehension. if we were to admit the number of days, being assigned to the finish, which he himself does.

§7. In observing this position alone he has made the daily count of stadia too small and also his customary modification in order to an optimum solution. He should have followed the opposite course for while it is possible to believe the daily distance, it being assigned as equalling the same distance, the theory is untrustworthy. So that the sought after distance cannot be ascertained from this, not only because it would extend beyond the equator, but also from certain very visible observations.

§8. The required distances could easily be confirmed by any with a skill in mathematics and knowledge of the localities concerned. Failing this we should consider how far from the equator the region exists. Information on the type and the kind of people and animals that live there would dictate that the region of Agisymba is the same parallel as that of the Ethiopians, as near as possible ending at the equator.

§9. On the other hand, with us inside the zone of the opposite summer solstice, they do not have the same colour skin as the Ethiopians, neither do the rhinocerous and elephant exist there. Yet not much further south they happen to be slightly black, as are the Garamantes described by Marinus himself, neither within the region of the summer solstice nor to the north of it but far too much to the south.

§10. In the parts around Meros they are black in colour and primarily pure Ethiopians and there are also the elephants and many other unusual animals.

Section 10.

Ethiopia should not have been placed more southerly that the parallel opposite Meros.

§1. Apropos the above, it is agreed that the people described are Ethiopians, as confirmed by travellers, and the region of Agisymba and the promontory of Prasum and those are on the same parallel opposite to that of Meroe, giving a reading from the equator of sixteen degree and twenty–five minutes or about eight thousand two hundred stadia. By the same calculation the whole of the habitable earth extends to seventy–nine degrees and twenty–five minutes, almost eighty degrees, or about forty thousand stadia.

§2. The distance between Leptis Magna and Garama, according to Flaccus and Maternus, is given as five thousand four hundred stadia. The time of the second journey was twenty days, a more accurate computation than that of their first journey. because it was directly north. Whereas the other took thirty days because of many deviations. Because of other voyages, and the keeping of calculations, a days distance in stadia is known, and because this was not only correctly carried out but of necessity because of the need for water As it is right to doubt distances of great journeys infrequently travelled so it is right to have faith in those less great and frequently travelled and to believe in travellers accounts.

Section 11.

Concerning the fact that Marinus is not right when calculating the magnitude of the known world.

§1. The latitudinal extent of the habitable world is made clear by the above argument. Marinus makes the longitude embracing the boundaries of the two meridians an interval of fifteen hours. To us it seems a probability that this distance extends too far to the east than is necessary and that it should be reduced to an interval of twelve hours, that is by relocating the Makaros islands to the far west and likewise to the east the Seres, Sina and Cattigara.

§3. For the excess, following from the determination of the parallels, is small in relation to the whole and insignificant in its effect thereon.

§4. Similarly, from the Euphrates to the Stone Tower, the distance extends to eight hundred and seventy–six land measures or twenty–six thousand two hundred and eighty stadia. From the Stone Tower to Sera, the capital city of the Seres, a journey of seven months, is thirty–six thousand and two hundred stadia. Since these journeys exist on the same parallel, we will cut short each journey by imposing a correction, since really it appears that no allowance has been made for deviations in either journey, indeed for the second journey the same errors occur as in the journey from the territory of the Garamantes to Agisymba.

§5. For there also the reckoning of stadia was of four months and fourteen days and it was necessary to reduce the total, or to halve the portion, for it may have been that the journey was not continuous over the space of time, and it is probably the very thing which arising out of seven months is only to be expected, and much more than of the journey from the Garamantes.

§6. For this journey was completed by the king of the country with no lack of forethought and undoubtedly in calm conditions. That journey from the Stone Tower to Sera had in addition the season of violent winter weather, for it happens to lie on the same parallel as that of the Hellespont and Byzantium. With the result that there must have been many deviations to hinder this journey. And because trade in merchandise would have been the reason for the journey.

§7. For he said that a certain man from Macedonia called Maen, also known as Titian, a son of a merchant, wrote down the details and measured out the journey, not himself having traversed it but sending certain others to Sera. It seems that he himself does not trust the reports of the merchants.

§8. Neither, apparently, the reports of Philemon on the length of the island of Hibernia, from east to west, of twenty days, for he will not agree with this even though Philemon himself claimed to have heard it from the merchants. For he says, to speak the truth, they are not concerned to enquire into these things but only about their business as merchants, and often increase the distance more out of sheer braggadocio. And not once, in that time of seven months to the conclusion of their journey, did they deem any marvel worthy of remembrance to show for that long time.

Section 12

The determination of longitude being corrected from journeys by land.

§1. Because of the above and because the journey is not to be along one and the same parallel, for the Stone Tower is the same parallel as Byzantium whereas that of Sera and the Hellespont is to the south, it is reasonable to believe that the number of stadia over seven months, computed at thirty–six thousand and two hundred, should be made smaller by not less than one half, and for convenience exactly one half, so that the distance in stadia can be settled at eighteen thousand one hundred stadia or forty–five and a quarter degrees.

§2. It is absurd and senseless, to follow the journey from the Garamantes itself on foot as a means of testing the reasoning of this and other journeys in order to make them smaller. For it is the result of the difference in the animals attributed to the region of Agisymba, which are not able to be transferred to regions outside their natural habitat. The journey from the Stone Tower, however, is not in accordance with this sort of reasoning for in its entirety it lies within the same parallel and thus, the same climate. Because there is no means of testing of this kind to assist in understanding, but only the whole distance to be overcome, conditional on greater or lesser intervals. Like a certain person, if undetected in the act of theft and clothed in innocence, and not rightly judged guilty by the court of law but according to the precepts of scientific investigation.

§3. So the previous distance I mentioned, from the Euphrates to the Stone Tower, having been put down as eight hundred and seventy–six land measures, because of deviations of the journey, now becomes eight hundred land measures only, that is twenty–four thousand stadia.

§4. This is to be believed for measured parts of the track are already well worn by the continuous measuring out that has happened. However, that the full journey had deviations, is obvious by what Marinus wrote down.

§5. For the journey from Hieropolis on the Euphrates through Mesopotamia to the Tigris and thenceforth through the Assyria, the country of the Garamantes and Media to Ecbatana and the Caspian gates and from Parthia to Hechatompilum, it is possible to cover the journey using the parallel of Rhodes, for this itself is inscribed as lying within these places.

§6. To get to the city of Hyrcania from Hechatompilum it is necessary to deviate northwards. The city of Hyrcania lies some way between the parallels of Smyrna and the Hellespont, because that through Smyrna itself is often inscribed as the territory of Hyrcania, while that through the Hellespont through the southern parts of the sea of Hyrcania which is a little way to the north and having the same name as the city.

§7. Again from here the journey to Antioch Margiana through Asia, first deviates towards the equator, since Asia itself lies on the parallel of the Caspian Gates, then to the north, since Antioch is situated close to the parallel of the Hellespont. From there to Bactria the journey lies towards the east and thence ascends the Comedon Mountains to the north. From the mountains themselves it descends to the ravine below and takes up a course towards the equator.

§8. For the mountains extend to the north and to the east and in this case the ascent is placed on the parallel through Byzantium and the southern and eastern on that of the Hellespont. Because, as he says, the mountains themselves block the opposite side, to the east and partly to the south, from here, for fifty land measures to the Stone Tower, the way is forced to deviate to the north.

§9. 'For' he says, 'having crossed foot of the plain, the way brings one to the Stone Tower, from there, the mountains. to the east, give way to bring one to Imeo, above Palimbothris.'

§10. Therefore, adding together these journeys and arriving at twenty–four thousand stadia or sixty degrees plus the forty–five and a quarter degrees from the Stone Tower to Sera, it totals one hundred and five degrees along the parallel of Rhodes as the distance from Euphrates to Sera.

§11. He himself brings together and adds that portion of stadia from the same parallel, that of the meridian passing from the Makaros Islands to the sacred promontory of Hispania, a distance of two and a half degrees. Thence in a like manner to the mouth of the Bactis and from there to Calpe, it being equally the same, that is two and a half degrees. Thereupon from the Strait until Caralis of Sardinia, twenty–five degrees, from Caralis to Lilybaeum of Sicily, four and a quarter degrees. From there to Pachunus is three degrees and again to Tainarus of Laconica from Pachunus is ten degrees. Thence to Rhodes is eight degrees fifteen minutes and from Rhodes to Issus is eleven degrees and to the Euphrates from Issus is two and a half degrees.

§12. With the result that the assembling of these distances is seventy–two degrees, therefore the whole length of the known earth, from the meridian of the Macaron Islands until Sera, is known to be one hundred and seventy seven degrees and fifteen minutes.

Section 13

Correcting similar calculations after completing voyages at sea.

§1. It might be conjectured that only a certain amount of the total longitude is expected to be revealed by a sea voyage, from India to the Bay of Sinarus and Cattigara, if compared with the uneven coastline and course of the voyage itself and that takes into account the position and any adverse matter that might take place. After the bay between Colchis and the promontory called by the name of Cory, he says, it is succeeded by the bay of Argaricus, being three thousand four hundred stadia from the city of Curuis, and this city lies to the north of Cory.

§2. Thus it would be gathered that, having been made longer than is necessary, one third must be taken away, to allow for the bay of Agaricus, the distance should be two thousand and thirty stadia, as near as possible, allowing for an irregular course.

§3. Taking such an allowance into consideration and having allowed one third off the whole, as near as possible, one thousand three hundred and fifty stadia, as near as possible, remain in a northerly direction.

§4. When it is transferred to the equatorial parallel and when it is taken and made smaller by a half in accordance with the intercepted angle, we have between the distance between the two meridians through the promontory of Cory and through the city of Curula, six hundred and seventy–five stadia, or, as near as possible, one and a third degrees, because the parallel drawn through these locations appears to differ from that of the greatest circle by nothing worthy of mention.

§5. Again, the voyage from the city of Curula, he says, is to the east in the direction of a wintry dawn, towards Palura and is nine thousand four hundred and fifty stadia. Subtracting one third of this amount to allow for uncertain winds, we have a continuing distance being, as near as possible, six thousand three hundred stadia.

§6, Taking from this one sixth, having been done on behalf of the distance from the equatorial parallel, we shall then discover the distance between these meridians to be five thousand two hundred and fifty stadia, or ten and a half degrees.

§7. From there he places the bay of Gangetia nineteen thousand stadia further on, the sea passage from Palura to the city of Sada is thirteen thousand stadia in the direction of the equatorial rising sun. In order to allow for deviation we must allow one third off the distance of this voyage. When we have allowed for this a distance remaining between these meridians is 8670 stadia or seventeen degrees and twenty minutes.

§8. Thereupon he makes a voyage from Sada to the city of Tamala three thousand five hundred stadia towards the winter rising of the sun. Again, in order to allow for deviations one third must be subtracted for irregular winds and we have left two thousand three hundred and thirty stadia, taking into prior account further one sixth for this journey because of deviations, we find that the distance between the meridians is one thousand nine hundred and forty stadia or about three degrees and thirty minutes.

§9. After this from Tamala to Golden Chersonesus he gives the distance as one thousand six hundred stadia towards the winter rising of the sun. So that, with the usual fraction being deducted, this leaves the distance between the meridians at nine hundred stadia or one degree and forty–eight minutes. These amounts, having been brought together, the distance from the promontory of Cory to the Golden Cheronese is thirty–four degrees and forty–eight minutes.

Section 14.

Concerning the voyage from the Golden Cheronese to Cattigara

§1. Marinus does not set out the number of stadia on the journey from the Golden Cheronesus to Cattigara. He says that Alexander the Great is said to have described it afterwards, the land opposite to be inclining to the south and twenty days sailing brought them to the city of Zaba. From Zaba, sailing onwards towards the south, after a certain number of days they came next to Cattigara on their left-hand side.

§2. He himself lengthens the distance having been led astray, assuming 'certain number' to mean 'many', that when one says 'some' days, (absurd as it might seem), we mean this precisely and a 'great number' is not to be understood.

§3. For since a the number of 'some days' will be indeterminate, and might have accomplished the circuit of the whole earth, what would have caused Alexander the Great to say 'some', if meaning the opposite, 'many'? Indeed he said that Dioscourus described 'many days' sailing from Rhapta to Prasum. Most probably for 'some', the opposite, 'a few', would thus be taken for granted, for so accustomed are we to this manner of speech.

§4. But lest we might appear to be laying down a number of hypothetical barriers to suit ourselves, we will undertake to compute the voyage from the Golden Cheronese to Cattigara, having agreed twenty days to Zaba and some for the rest to Cattigara, with that from Aromata to the promontory of Prasum, and having agreed the same twenty days as to Rhapta, according to Theophilus, and many more to Prasum, according to Dioscorus. And in order to do as Marinus we will determine 'some days' and 'many days' as being the same thing.

§5. When therefore we ourselves have brought to light reasonable observations placing Prasum upon the parallel south of the equator at sixteen degrees and fifteen minutes. (It is separated from the equator by the parallel through Aramata, towards the north, of four and a quarter degrees, with the result that the assembled distance from Aramata to Prasum is twenty degrees and forty minutes.) It would be fairly reasonable to assign the same to the distance from Golden Cheronese to Zaba, and from there to Cattigara.

§6. Therefore it is not necessary to lessen the portion from Golden Cheronese to Zaba, being parallel to the equator, because the space between it and the place opposite having been assigned to the equator. The distance belonging to Zaba to Cattigara, because the voyage has to be towards the south and east, must be cut short in order that we might bring it to a position parallel to the equator.

§7. If then we assign half a degree to each of the distances on account of uncertainty of any significance between them and, from Zaba to Cattigara, originally ten degrees and twenty minutes, one third to taken back into account on behalf of any deviation. We shall then have a distance from the Golden Cheronese to Cattigara relative to the position for the parallel to the equator, as near as possible of seventeen and one sixth degrees.

§8. We have already decided that from the Cory promontory to the Golden Cheronese is thirty–four degrees and forty–five minutes. Consequently, the whole distance from Cory to Cattigara is as near as possible fifty–two degrees.

§9. According to Marinus, the meridian that passes through the source of the river Indus is a little west of the northerly promontory of Taprobana, which is opposite to Cory, This is separated from the mouth of the river Baetis by an interval of eight hours or one hundred and twenty degrees and that passing through the Makaron Islands is five degrees with the result that the meridian through Cory is distant from that of the Makaron Islands by little more than one hundred and twenty five degrees. That (meridian) through Cattigara from that (meridian) through the Makaron Islands is itself distant little more than one hundred and seventy–seven degrees. Which is near the distance itself according to the calculations of the parallel through Rhodes.

§10. But let us position the whole of the metropolis of the Sines at a distance of 180 degrees or by an interval of twelve hours, because everyone agrees on this, and Cattigara itself to be a little towards the east, so that having been computed, the total distance passing through Rhodes is found, as near as possible, to be two hundred and seventy thousand stadia.

Section 15

Concerning disagreement with some of the claims of Marinus.

§1. In general, the distances being so great, we have decreased the longitudes towards the east and the latitudes towards the south because of the reasons already explored and we have deemed it worthy in often correcting the disposition of cities. We disagree, believing alternatives to be true and do not accept the different accounts and the claims, of which he has been fully convinced, from different tales from many sources and various backgrounds.

§2. For he says that Tarragona is opposite Caesarea, he calls it Iol, that the meridian itself drawn through Tarragona goes also through the Pyrenees mountains which are not a little to the east of Tarragona, likewise for Pachynus and Leptis Magna, and for Thesis and Himera, and the distance from Pachynus to Himera is four hundred stadia and from Leptis to Thesis one thousand five stadia, using as reference the writings of Timosthenes.

§3. And again, he says that Tergestum is opposite Ravenna, and from the Adriatic bay below the river Tilimentus, Tergestum to be distant, in the direction of the summer sunrise, by four hundred and eighty stadia and that Ravenna is one thousand stadia towards the winter sunrise.

§4. Similarly, he says that Chelidonis is opposite to Canopus, Archamanta to Paphos and Paphos to Sebemintum and further, that Chelidonis is placed one thousand stadia from Archanmata. According to Timosthenes the distance from Canopus to Sebennitum is two hundred and ninety stadia and yet if the distance itself were placed on the same meridian, then without doubt, the reality would be a much greater requirement and be set upon the circumference of a much greater parallel.

§5. Again, he says that Pisa is seven hundred stadia from Ravenna in a southerly direction, but in the matter of climate and hours, Pisa is placed in the third hour division, Ravenna in the fourth.

§6. And Noiomagus in Britain, which is fifty–nine miles in a southerly direction from London, is shown by reason of climate to be more northerly.

§7. And Athos ranks with the same parallel as the Hellespont, Amphipolis and all the others beyond, placed as Athos, as well as the mouth of the river Strimon, are made to lie in the fourth climate, that is placed below the Hellespont.

§8. Similarly all the places in the whole of Thrace are dispersed below the parallel of Byzantium, yet the cities of the interior themselves he classifies in the climate above this parallel.

§9. "Yet Trapezos", he says, "we have placed in position on the parallel of Byzantium." And Satala in Armenia is shown as being distant from Trapezos by sixty miles towards the south and the parallel of Byzantium is allowed to be drawn through Satala, not Trpezos.

§10. Indeed he says the river Nile will be described in accordance with the truth, so that it might be seen for the first time from its equatorial beginning to Meroe in the north, similarly that from Aromata to the lakes, out of which the Nile flows, it allows sailing to be accomplished, Aromata being very much to the east of the Nile.

§11. For Ptolemais of Theron is towards the east of Meroe and of the Nile, a journey of ten to twelve days, and from the bay of Adulikos between the Okelin Peninsula and Diren, Ptolemais is three thousand five hundred stadia and this is towards the east and from this strait to the promontory of Great Aromata is a further five thousand stadia.

Section 16

In marking out certain provincial boundaries he himself has transgressed.

§1. He has transgressed whenever marking out certain boundaries, thus he has marked out the Pontic Sea as the eastern boundary to all of Moesia, Thrace from the west at Upper Moesia and Italy from the north not only by Rhetia and Noricum alone but also by Pannonia, and Pannonia from the south by Dalmatia alone and ignores Italy and the Sogdiani and the neighbouring Saci, of the interior, from the south by India, of which to the north are the Imaus mountains, the most northerly part of India. The parallels in question, through the Hellespont and through Byzantium, cannot join these two races together unless they first go through the middle of the Pontus.

Section 17

Concerning matters he himself discourses upon relating to those having been enquired into today.

§1. These and those of a similar nature not attended to by Marinus, either as fact, through a multitude all differing accounts, or because, as he says himself, not anticipating it to be the final version, he has not included corrections and written them down.

§2. And not only through making corrections of climate and hours, do we see that present knowledge is not in agreement, such as placing the Bay of Sachalits on the western side of the Syagros promontory.

§3. Yet in general we are all in agreement that sailing through this place Syagros, it is in the east and Sachalits is in the region of Arabia as well as being the name of the bay itself. It is the same with Simylla, a trading base with India, not only placed to the west of the Comarris promontory but also of the river Indus.

§4. It is agreed that it is, in fact, far to the south, being around the mouths of the river, according to those sailing into there and traversing these places the most often, and those returning to us from that place, having been called by the inhabitants, Timula.

§5. For concerning India, both about its partitioning into provinces and the inner regions themselves as far as the Golden Cheronese and from there until Cattigara, and further, that while the voyage sailing into there is towards the east, returning is towards the west, while, alongside this, acknowledging it to be irregular and uncertain of time and distance. And that over and beyond there is the capital of Sera and the region of the Serei and further to the east is unknown land, having low lying marshes, in which great reeds are growing and in this way continuously so that having taken hold of them one can make their way over the top and that from there, not only is there a way to Bactriana through the Stone Tower but to India through Palimbothra. From the capital of Sera to the haven of Cattigara is towards the west and the south, thus this does not fall upon the parallel through Sera and Cattigara, as Marinus says, but in accordance with one further to the east.

§6. Indeed concerning the distance from Arabia Felix to Aromata, merchants are voyaging across, to Azania and to Rhapta, called amongst themselves 'Barbary', we understand the voyage not precisely to be towards the south but to the south and west, from Rhapta to Prasum voyaging across is towards the south and east. And also the lakes, in which the Nile rises, are not to be found by the sea but further inland.

§7. In order to reach the promontory of Rhapta from the shore line of Aromata and Apocopa, one of the two, according to Marinus, is not to be counted as so many stadia in a day and night voyage, because of quickly changing equatorial winds, but on the average four or five hundred stadia.

§8.And, at first, a continuous bay from Aromata in which, after one days journey from Aromata, the town Panone, and the trading place Opanone, separated from the town by one days journey.

§9. To continue from this trading place is a bay heralding the approach of Azania, at the beginning of this bay the peak of Zingis is exposed and the mountain of Phalangis with its eight heads, this part of the bay is named Apocopa and the sailing distance is two nights and days.

§10. In three days sailing we are brought alongside a little beach and in five days sailing next to a large beach. Of the four distances these last two have day and night sailing times.

§11. A further two days and nights sailing needs to be undertaken across this bay to a trading place named Essins; after one more day and nights sailing the harbour of Serapionis.

§12. From there begins the bay bearing to Rhapta, three days and nights distant; at the entrance there happens to be a trading place named Nicum. Beside the peak of Rhapta there is the Rhapta river and a metropolis named the same nor far from the sea. From Rhapta to the promontory of Prasum the bay being large, is not deep, and the barbarians who dwell there are cannibals.